Before Democrats Condemn The Coup In Gabon, They Should Tell The World If Succession To Presidency Is By Birth Or Competition -By Isaac Asabor

Without being in support of the perpetration of coup in African countries, there is no denying the fact that whenever coup d’état occur in any African country that not a few self-acclaimed democrats resort to running their mouths in condemnation of the undemocratic take-over of government. Unfortunately, while the basis for the condemnation is always candid, crystal clear and convincing, the point remains that democrats often miss the point by not taking cognizant of the fact that coup in the continent are often necessitated by fraudulent electoral processes, abuse of term limits, legitimacy, performance and accountability in political and economic governance. In fact, whoever makes any attempt to justify would tongue-in-cheek be told that “The worst democratic government is better than the best military government”.

Given the foregoing backdrop, there is no denying the fact that the wind of coup that is sweeping across the African continent coupled with the associated diplomatic impasse foretells grave consequences of continued military incursion into the political arena in the West African sub-region. The undemocratic trend clearly demonstrates the fact that both the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) are faced with frightening challenges ahead considering the complexities of military coups which are better prevented through commitment to the deepening of democracies within the continent.

Opinionating in this context from the perspective of the Coup that occurred in Gabon on Tuesday, August 29, 2023, it is expedient to urge both ECOWAS and AU to synergistically move to sanction leaders perpetrating seeming monarchical government in African political culture.

Without any iota of exaggeration, it is expedient to opine that the time has come for both supranational bodies to discourage the political culture that allows succession to presidency by virtue of birth, rather than by competition.

To buttress the foregoing view, a peep into succession politics across African countries will reveal that the incumbent President of Togo, Faure Gnassingbé, who became president of Togo in 2005 after succeeding his late father, Gnassingbé Eyadémawas reelected in 2010, 2015, and 2020. He became had ruled the country since 1967.

Though it can be argued that Political dynasties exist around the world but that should not justify its entrenchment or perpetuation in Africa. For instance, in the United States in 2001, George W. Bush became the first modern president whose father (President George H.W. Bush) had also been elected president. (The sixth president, John Quincy Adams, served from 1825-1829 and was the son of the second president, John Adams.) Bush also became the first U.S. president to hold the position for longer than his father. In East and South Asia, there have been many daughters of heads of state who have been elected to the same position, such as South Korean President Pak Geun-hye, former Philippines President Corazon Aquino, and former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. In Pakistan, in a rare occurrence, a husband took over from his wife, Benazir Bhutto. At this juncture, it is expedient to advise that Africans should be cautious of characterizing political dynasties as an African phenomenon. However, given the vastly male-dominated world of African politics, what do we know about African father-son presidential transitions and legacies?

Despite the foregoing abnormalities being experienced in the U.S., the Philippines, and South Korea, there is no political justification for such mode of succession to the presidency to be replicated in African countries, particularly as obtained in Gabon, and which was linked to be the principal cause of the putsch that occurred in the early morning of today.  The reason for the foregoing cannot be farfetched as Africans are averse to such succession plan, and are not willing to cede presidency to any given family.  Rather, they yearn for a president to emerge through a contested process and based on an individual’s merit, and not to elect family members of former heads of state.

Though, there are exceptions to the foregoing argument as three sons of a founding father (the first president or prime minister after independence) had being in power in Botswana, Kenya, and Mauritius. The instances are that of President Ian Khama, President Uhuru Kenyatta, and Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam, respectively. In the case of all three, the succession took place over a decade after the father left office: In Botswana, Khama was elected 27 years after his father left office, while in Kenya, Kenyatta was elected 34 years after his father, and, in Mauritius, Ramgoolam was elected 13 years after his father. Therefore, enough time had elapsed in which citizens could assess the impact and results of the father’s leadership and make an informed decision regarding the son. By the time the sons became president, the three countries had a history of contested elections, and each one took over in generally peaceful elections and under stable constitutions. Malawi’s President Peter Mutharika similarly was elected president years after his brother’s death in office.

On the other hand, some sub-Saharan countries have experienced immediate succession by the son of the head of state after his father’s death, often leading to decades of rule by a single family. With President Gnassingbé’s reelection, his family will have run Togo for over 87 percent of its 55-year post-independence history, with five more years to go. Gabon has a similar experience: With a father and son at the head of the country for over 86 percent of the country’s post-independence history (1967-2009 and 2009-2015)—47 out of almost 55 years—and the son is still in power.

In the DRC, President Joseph Kabila came to power in 2001 immediately following the untimely assassination of his father. Altogether, the Kabilas have ruled the DRC for a third of the country’s post-independence history—almost 18 years.

The Rangoolam family of Mauritius has similarly ruled the country for over half of its independence history, for 20 out of 39 years. However, as noted above, succession was not immediate from father to son but rather through a contested process with two leaders in between.

Without a doubt, no one or family in Africa has a monopoly to perpetrate political dynasty. However, to guard against the creation of birth-right dynasties as opposed to so called merit-based family political dynasties, recent events suggest that countries should, and must have clear constitutional processes for succession as well as open transparent freely contested elections.

Finally, it is expedient to advise that before democrats condemn the coup in Gabon, that they should tell the world if succession to presidency is by birth or competition.