Geopolitics: Russia Guarantees Support for Africa’s Economic Sovereignty -By Kestér Kenn Klomegâh

With geopolitical changes, Russia’s diplomacy without investment in Africa’s economy is not sustainable. As the tectonic sound of drums and dance fade away, African leaders, for instance due to rising youth unemployment, will continue signing labour export agreements, reminicent of slave trade era, with Europe and the United States. We continue to witness the dominating Western and European financial institutions across the continent. Noticeably, Russia has raised its influence across Africa, but largely with mere geopolitical rhetoric. Political dialogues are excellent, soft power is rising but concrete economic impact is weak. Over the past few years, bilateral agreements have prominently featured in Russia’s relations with African countries. In practical terms, Russia has chosen a shaky foundation in the continent that it highly praises as a reliable partner.

Often reiterated that Russia, as the successor of the Soviet Union, did not owe Africa anything. Russia continues to support Africa. Africa does not need aid but, in an objective analysis, has to work towards production partnership arrangements instead of food handouts. That distinction matters in the geopolitical context. Partnership here includes reviewing rules and regulations concerning mutual engagement in economc sectors. Production and manufacturing, employment-creating spheres. Persistent anti-western criticisms and symbolism are rather primary obstacles to development paradigms and economic growth. Thus Africa has to look for alternatives to escape development marginalisation.

It takes time for efforts to improve bilateral relations, and African countries has desisted from issuing an ultimatum on necessary steps. Russia has its own approach characterised with restrictions, and Africa will steadily continue in more progressive ways with United States and Europe. As the global economy changes, the emerging economic architecture offers an indepth concern to understand what next steps are necessary. Yet its strategic implications are unmistakable.

In the entire context – including politics, economy and social parameters – Africa has to ensure and sustain its form of sovereignty. The ability to do this, securing its sovereignty, this time does not and should not encourage political symbolism and mere rhetoric. It simply requires concrete investment. While Africa concentrates on mobilising domestic resouces, it can and should strictly welcome genuine foreign investors 100% ready and willing to invest in the economic sectors.

Understandably, Russia’s primary focus on holding summits and conferences are directed at renewing most of its unfulfilled bilateral agreements and making new pledges with African leaders. As expected the decisions were incorporated into joint declarations after brilliant speeches reminding people of the long-standing traditions of friendship and solidarity, how the Soviets assisted African countries in their struggle to attain independence and established statehood, and further highlighting neo-colonialism tendencies widespread on the continent. Next feature is the public display of absolute readiness to engage in broadening cooperation in economic sectors across Africa.

While these summits and conferences were described as highly successful due to their spectacular blistering symbolism and offered the necessary solid impetus for raising to qualitative level the multifaceted relations, especially in the economic spheres with Africa, much has still not been pursued as expected. Behind the shadows of the bilateral agreements, some of the projects were simultaneously assigned to either Western or European investors.

In-between these historic summits and conferences, the African foreign ministers and delegations had lined up, shittling ‘to-and-fro’ various African capitals and Moscow. Those frequent official visits were intended to show off that Russia is in high demand as indicated in a 150-paged new policy released by a group of 25 leading experts headed by Sergei A. Karaganov, the Honorary Chairman of the Presidium of the Council on Foreign and Defence Policy.

The report vividly highlighted some pitfalls and shortcomings in Russia’s approach towards Africa. It further pointed to Russia’s consistent failure in honouring its several agreements and pledges over the years. It decried the increased number of bilateral and high-level meetings that yield little or bring to the fore, absolutely no definitive results.

In addition, insufficient and disorganized Russian-African lobbying combined with a lack of “information hygiene” at all levels of public speaking, says the policy report. There are, indeed, to demonstrate “demand for Russia” in the non-Western world; the formation of ‘ad hoc’ political alliances with African countries geared towards competition with the collective West.

Apart from the absence of a public strategy for the continent, there is a lack of coordination among various state and para-state institutions working with Africa. Despite the growth of external players’ influence and presence in Africa, Russia has to intensify and redefine its parameters. Russia’s foreign policy strategy regarding Africa has to spell out and incorporate the development needs of African countries.

Unlike most competitors, Russia has to promote an understandable agenda for Africa: working more on sovereignty, continental integration, infrastructure development, human development (education and medicine), security (including the fight against hunger and epidemics), normal universal human values, the idea that people should live with dignity and feel protected.

Nearly all the Russian experts who participated in putting the report together unreservedly agreed with this view. The main advantage of such an agenda is that it may be more oriented to the needs of Africans than those of its Western and European competitors. Along with the strategy, Russia has advisably adopted an Action Plan (2023-2026) – a practical document fills the economic cooperation with substance for implementation.

Vsevolod Tkachenko, at the Africa Department of the Russian Foreign Ministry, stated during one of the preparatory meetings, “the African partners expect concrete deeds, maximum substantive ideas and useful proposals.” The current task is to demonstrate results and highlight achievements to the African side. Over the past years, African countries have witnessed many bilateral agreements, memoranda of understanding and pledges.

Nevertheless, Russia has to set different narratives about its aspirations and intentions of returning to Africa. The approach has to move from policy rhetoric and mere declarations of interest. Since the basis of the summits and several conferences categorically remain the economic interaction between Russia and Africa, “the ideas currently being worked out on new possible instruments to encourage Russian exports to Africa, Russian investments to the continent, such as a fund to support direct investment in Africa, all these deserve special attention,” according to Tkachenko.

According to an official report posted on the website, Russia’s Foreign Affairs Minister Sergei Lavrov, during the “Government Hour” in the State Duma, stated with authority that the “cooperation with African countries has expanded to reach new frontiers. Together with African friends, we are working on preparations for the second Russia-Africa summit scheduled to be held this year.”

Previously, for instance, Lavrov explicitly indicated: “Russia’s political ties, in particular, are developing dynamically. But economic cooperation is not as far advanced as political ties.”

Many academic experts have expressed concern about the relationship between Russia and Africa, most often comparing it with other foreign players on the continent within the framework of sustainable development there in Africa. It is about time to make meaningful efforts to implement tons of bilateral agreements already signed with African countries.

“Russia, of course, is not satisfied with this state of affairs. At present diplomacy dominates its approach: a plethora of agreements was signed with many African countries, official visits proliferate apace, but the outcomes remain hardly discernible,” Professor Gerrit Olivier from the Department of Political Sciences, the University of Pretoria in South Africa and a former South African Ambassador to the Russian Federation wrote in an emailed comment.

“While, given its global status, Russia ought to be active in Africa as Western Europe, the European Union, America and China are, it is only playing a negligible role. Be that as it may, the Kremlin has revived its interest in the African continent and it will be realistic to expect that the spadework it is putting in now will at some stage show more tangible results,” Olivier added.

Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to Russia, Brigadier General (rtd) Nicholas Mike Sango, who served at the Moscow diplomatic office, expressed his views on the relations between Africa and the Russian Federation. While Russia has traditional ties with Africa, its economic footprints are not growing as expected. It has, however, attempted to transform the much boasted political relations into a more comprehensive and broad economic cooperation, he noted in his private conversation with me.

He pointed, distinctively, to the disparity in the level of development, the diversity of cultures and aspirations of the peoples of the two regions, there is a growing realisation that Africa is an important partner in the “emerging and sustainable polycentric architecture of the world order” as Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has aptly asserted. But in fact, Africa’s critical mass can only be ignored at great risk, therefore.

From various perspectives and explanations, Russia has absolutely no colonial legacy in Africa. For this long time after Soviet collapse, Russia’s foreign policy on Africa has failed to pronounce itself in practical terms as evidenced by the countable forays into Africa by Russian officials. The Russian Federation has shied away from economic cooperation with Africa, making forays into the few countries that it has engaged in the last few years. Despite the shortfalls, African leaders still hold Russia in high esteem as evidenced by a large number of African embassies in Moscow. And raising its numerical strength, Moscow is currently opening more of its offices in Africa.

Ambassador Sango, who previously held various high-level posts such as military adviser in Zimbabwe’s Permanent Mission to the United Nations, and as an international instructor in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), also said that “Russia has not responded in the manner expected by Africa, as has China, India and South Korea, to name a few from the Asian region. United States and Europe, in spite of citicisms, are still Africa’s favourite development partners.

But there is sense of hope and bright sentiments. In fact, Africa’s expectation is that Russia, while largely in the extractive industry, will steadily transfer technologies for local processing of raw materials as a catalyst for Africa’s development.

While Russia and Africa have common positions on the global platform, the need to recognize and appreciate the aspirations of the common man cannot be overstated. Africa desires economic uplifting, human security in the form of education, health, shelter as well as security from transnational terrorism among many challenges afflicting Africa.

For more than three decades after the Soviet collapse in 1991, Russia has had different degrees of political relations and currently looking forward to building stronger economic cooperation. The Russian Federation has the capacity and ability to assist Africa to overcome these challenges leveraging on Africa’s vast resources.

During these years, the relations have also transited through distinctive phases taking cognizance of challenges and fast-changing global politics. In an interview discussion a few years ago, Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Regional Integration of Ghana, explained that “Although, for a relationship lasting this long – more than 30 years (three decades) – with Africa, one would have expected it to move past where it is now. In short, there is still room for improvement, in fostering particularly stronger economic ties.”

At least, it is commendable that Russia continuing consistently to catch-up with other active foreign competitors, making attempts to transform the well-developed political relations with broader economic cooperation in these coming years. Ultimately, emphasis should also be placed on developing ‘people-to-people’ relations, whereby the peoples of both countries would have a better understanding of each other.

Critically not much has been achieved, looking at the Russia-Africa economic relations from the perspective of regional organisations – especially the Southern African Development Community (SADC), when it was headed by Lawrence Stergomena. Regrettably, she explained during discussions with me that like most of the developing countries, Southern African countries have largely relied on multilateral and regional development financial institutions to fund their development projects.

In this regard, SADC welcomes investors from all over the world. In reality, Russia has not been that visible in the region as compared to China, India or Brazil. On the other hand, it is encouraging that Russia is currently attempting to position itself to be a major partner with Southern Africa, underlined Stergomena, and further explained that the SADC is an inter-governmental organisation with its primary goal of deepening socio-economic cooperation and integration in the southern region.

Dr. Babafemi A. Badejo, Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, Abeokuta, Nigeria, argues that many foreign players and investors are now looking forward to exploring several opportunities in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which provides unique and valuable access to an integrated African market of over 1.4 billion people.

In practical reality, it aims at creating a continental market for goods and services, with free movement of businesspeople and investments in Africa. On this basis, Badejo argues further that Russia’s gradual engagement can be boosted by African media popularising and boosting knowledge on such engagements by Russia. The AfCFTA should prominently feature and be linked to Russia’s efforts at the frequent engagement with African leaders.

However, promoting relations with the continent of Africa would require more than a one-off event with African leaders who have varying levels of legitimacy from performance or lack of it in their respective countries. Interestingly one more trend in Russia-Africa relations – African media should have the opportunity to report more about Russian corporate presence in Africa and their added value to the realisation of the sustainable development goals in Africa. This corporate presence can support the building of the image of Russia in Africa through involvement with people-at-large oriented activities.

In this final analysis, Russia has to make consistent efforts in building its media network that could further play a key role in strengthening relations with Africa, the academic professor noted in his lengthy discussions on Russia-Africa relations and concluded that it is Western perception and narrative of Russia that pervades the African media. Russia needs to do more in using media to tell its own story and interest in Africa.

President Vladimir Putin noted at the VTB Capital’s ‘Russia Calling’ forum, that many countries had been “stepping up their activities on the African continent” but added that Russia could not cooperate with Africa “as it was in the Soviet period, for political reasons.” In his opinion, cooperation with African countries could be developed on a bilateral basis as well as on a multilateral basis, through the framework of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

With its impressive political influence, Russia has still not pledged publicly concrete funds toward implementing its policy objectives in Africa. Its investment efforts have been limited, which policy experts attributed to the lack of a system of financing. While Russians are very cautious about making financial commitments, the financial institutions are not closely involved in foreign policy initiatives in Africa. Unimaginably worse, Russian banks have exited out of Africa, and currently show limited interest, better say, no interest in Africa.

In addition, experts have identified lack of effective coordination and follow-ups combined with inconsistency are basic factors affecting the entire relations with Africa. While the two summits are described as the largest symbolic in history, many significant issues in the joint declarations have not been pursued and that could possibly lay down a comprehensive strategic roadmap for building the future Russia-Africa relations.

The stark reality is that Russia’s retreat from Africa isn’t just about the so-termed Western and European sanctions—it’s a classical policy story of terrible failure of mega-projects, typical Soviet-styled bureaucracy combined with inconsistency, and complete lack of business strategy. Western and European sanctions could be avoided. Boastful of training graduates and specialists for Africa. And yet, Russians absolutely never thought of using these highly-qualified graduates as strong bridges for strenthening multifaceted relations. Until today, Russia has not commited funds for undertaking development projects in Africa.

We have to analyse objectively these questions raised above. Many foreign countries are increasingly scrambling for economic influence across the continent, on one hand. On the other hand, African leaders and corporate executives have to ensure favourable environment for foreign investors to operate and grow profitably. External players have partly been addressing complex development priorities in Africa. As already known, China, Japan and India have commited funds publicly during their summits, while large investment funds have also come from the United States and European Union, all towards realising various economic and infrastructure projects, and further collaborating in new interesting areas as a greater part of ensuring Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in Africa.