Educational Issues
How Tunji Alausa Broke a 16-Year Policy Logjam -By Oluwafemi Popoola
There is also the clause that no one involved in the long struggle will be victimised. This matters more than it seems. Fear has been a silent companion in previous disputes, with subtle reprisals lingering long after strikes ended. Drawing a clear line against victimisation is a moral statement, and it reflects Alausa’s insistence on healing, not merely settling scores.
Cynicism is a permanent fixture in Nigeria’s public life. It has, over the years, become a coping mechanism in Nigeria’s public policy especially in the education sector. Each time news breaks of renewed talks between the Federal Government and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU), the nation instinctively braces for disappointment.
This time, however, something felt different. The reports of a freshly negotiated agreement between the union and FG did not sound like the usual recycled assurances or another ceasefire doomed to collapse. It carried the weight of intent, structure, and seriousness, wearing qualities absent from many past engagements.
For seasoned educators and long-time observers of Nigeria’s university system, such announcements awaken memories that refuse to fade. I have witnessed, firsthand, the anguish of students whose academic calendars were repeatedly shattered, parents and guardians stretched emotionally and financially, and young dreams placed on indefinite pause. These experiences shaped public perception and fed a deep mistrust of both government and union pronouncements.
Out of that collective fatigue emerged a predictable national ritual. Nigerians instinctively chose sides. One camp accused ASUU of wielding strikes like a blunt instrument that bruises students more than policymakers. The other blamed successive federal governments for perfecting the art of broken promises and abandoned agreements. For years, the argument circled endlessly, like a debate without a referee. No winner was ever declared, no loser officially named, only exhausted students and a battered university system remained. But with the current minister of education, Dr. Tunji Maruf Alausa, stepping into the process, and for the first time in a long while, the wheel stopped spinning. The negotiations under his watch bore the mark of experience and restraint. This was not crisis management by megaphone, but problem-solving by method, guided by an understanding that failure carried a cost Nigeria could no longer afford.
I have followed education policy long enough to know that breakthroughs rarely announce themselves with drumrolls. They arrive cautiously, aware of history, mindful of scars. This agreement with ASUU feels like that kind of arrival. It closes the long, exhausting chapter opened by the 2009 FGN–ASUU Agreement, a document that promised much, delivered little, and became the perennial ghost haunting Nigeria’s campuses.
What makes this moment remarkable is not just that an agreement was reached, but how it was reached and what it contains. Alausa did not posture as a miracle worker, he listened, negotiated and insisted on realism. In a sector used to megaphones and ultimatums, that alone felt refreshing.
At the heart of the new deal is the long-awaited 40 per cent salary increase for academic staff. On paper, it looks like a number. In real life, it is relief. It is fewer professors juggling consultancies simply to keep afloat. It is young academics reconsidering the temptation to flee to other countries where their intellects are better rewarded. It is the dignity of labour being restored, incrementally but deliberately. I cannot overstate how symbolic this is in a system where strikes have often been the only language that elicited attention. Alausa’s approach suggested that respect could also be a strategy.
But the agreement goes far beyond pay. For years, lecturers complained, often rightly, that they were being retired into penury after decades of service. The provision that professors will now earn a pension equivalent to their annual salary at retirement age of 70 is not just generous, it is humane. It sends a signal to those currently in the system that the country values the arc of an academic life, not just the productive middle years. It also tells younger scholars that there is a future worth planning for within Nigeria’s universities.
Perhaps the most exciting aspect, to me, is the proposed National Research Council, with funding of at least one per cent of Nigeria’s GDP. Research has long been the neglected backbone of our universities. It’s celebrated in speeches but starved in budgets. Now that research is set to be anchored through funding to GDP, the agreement shifts it from charity to obligation. This could be transformative: better laboratories, meaningful grants, and research outputs that actually speak to Nigeria’s development challenges. It is difficult to imagine such a provision surviving negotiation without a minister who understands that universities are engines of knowledge, not just examination factories. Alausa clearly gets that.
University autonomy and academic freedom also received overdue attention. For too long, leadership positions were entangled in politics, eroding trust within campuses. The insistence on elected academic leadership—Deans and Provosts chosen from among professors—reasserts the primacy of scholarship over patronage. It may not solve every problem overnight, but it restores a sense of ownership to academics who often felt like tenants in institutions they built. In that sense, the agreement is as much about governance as it is about welfare.
There is also the clause that no one involved in the long struggle will be victimised. This matters more than it seems. Fear has been a silent companion in previous disputes, with subtle reprisals lingering long after strikes ended. Drawing a clear line against victimisation is a moral statement, and it reflects Alausa’s insistence on healing, not merely settling scores.
However, I would be dishonest if I pretend that this agreement does not awaken old anxieties. Nigeria has announced agreements before. Announcement hinged on grand signings, smiling photographs, hopeful headlines, only for implementation to stall once the applause faded. The 2009 agreement itself stands as the most painful example: repeatedly renegotiated, selectively implemented, and ultimately weaponised by both sides in an endless cycle of distrust. My fears, therefore, are not imaginary. They are earned.
Implementation is the crucible. Timely release of funds, transparent monitoring, and consistent engagement will determine whether this accord becomes a turning point or another footnote. The strengthened implementation and oversight mechanisms built into the deal are reassuring. An expanded Federal Government Tertiary Institutions Negotiation Committee, backed by legal authority, is a direct response to past failures where agreements lacked teeth. This shows foresight. It acknowledges history rather than pretending it does not exist.
And yet, this is where Alausa’s character becomes central. The doubts that trail federal promises do not quite cling to him in the same way. He feels like a break from the norm. He’s more like a minister who brings political will without unnecessary drama. His handling of the negotiations suggested patience, firmness, and an unusual respect for institutional memory. I find myself believing, cautiously but sincerely, that this resolution will not unravel like its predecessors.
That belief does not absolve others of responsibility. Students, parents, guardians, civil society groups, and the media must remain vigilant. Agreements thrive in daylight. If this deal is to translate into better lecture halls, functional laboratories, stable academic calendars, and renewed confidence in public universities, then collective monitoring is essential. Alausa has opened the door; keeping it open will require shared commitment.
Having said all this, I return to that initial pause of optimism. In a country where education policy often lurches from crisis to crisis, this agreement feels like a measured step toward stability. It reflects a minister whose commitment to service delivery transcends short-term fixes and gestures.
Reflecting on his deliverables so far, and his grasp of the delicate terrain he navigates, I find a glimmer of hope worth holding onto. And in Nigeria’s public universities, hope itself is already a significant achievement
Oluwafemi Popoola is an educator and journalist. He can be reached via bromeo2013@gmail.com
