Muslim-Muslim Ticket Still Did Not Answer Kaduna And Jos! -By Ismail Misbahu

The essence of the study of history is to avoid repeating mistakes. Currently, the Early Warning System (EWS) ahead of Nigeria’s 2023 General Elections must not ignore detecting the earlier historical events, in particular the ethno-religious identity crises that ensued after the 1979 Shari’ah implementation discourse up through the 1980s and 90s. The chains of historical information especially since 1992 must be reflected in the decision sub-systems of the state actors, election officials and contestants so much so that early identification of hazards could help prevent future possible escalation of tensions and violence. 

A good student of history, indeed a good citizen of peace must not forget the tragi-comic reality of the history of two religious actors⸺Imam Muhammad Ashafa and Pastor James Wuye⸺their tragically militant role in the escalation (and what later became the de-escalation) of violence in Zangon Kataf, Kaduna state. They came firstly by fierce militant antagonism making peace became the victim of their spiritually violent extremism and increasingly shrinking the space of Muslim-Christian relation in Kaduna to the deepest cocoon of hell! Not know whether to laugh or cry, these two religious actors turn potentially global peace ambassadors succeeding in establishing Muslim-Christian Dialogue Forum (MCDF) and extending the frontiers of Muslim-Christian relation in Jos and other conflict-prone areas across Nigeria and rest of Africa.

The harsh realities of crisis had enriched the souls of these two fire-brands with deepest introspection inspired by divine intervention through a mediator who, at a meeting in 1995 organized by UNICEF in the State House, joined their hands and told them to let go of killings or give peace a permanent room. This marked the genesis of the armistice of peace and has sustained the efforts of the now peace-making activists in de-radicalizing their followers in Kaduna and significantly extending the doctrinal teachings of Qur’an and Bible on Preventing Violent Extremism (PVE) in Jos and other crises areas across Nigeria and Africa. They tested their left and proved it wrong and they now consolidated their strengths on their right to make sure peace is attained to the highest esteem.

Yet, some of their followers still did not find it easier to answer their call to redeem peace and cherish love and unity in diversity. This is because, unlike the two religious actors whose effort in peace-making might be sustained by their spiritual orientation and scholarship tradition, their following had already become fragile with deepening religious animosity.  Two documentaries of the religious actors (‘The Imam and the Pastor’ and ‘An African Answer’) had shown instances where the Imam and Pastor spoke of the difficulty to convince their followers to renounce violence and imbibe the spirit of peace.

Indeed, there are still Muslims and Christians wearing the old militant coats of Imam Ashafa and Pastor James and the silence at this moment does hardly guarantee that early warning on this is irrelevant. This is enough to give room for skepticism about the view that Muslim-Muslim Ticket is the ‘re-birth of the 1993 spirit’! Developments that followed years after 1993 had widened the space of identity crises and of course, broadened the scope of EWS ahead of Nigeria’s 2023 General Election. Tinubu/Shettima candidacy may not inject the spirit of the 1993 MKO/Kingibe candidature violent-free, given the recent challenges, that:

Muslim/Muslim Ticket will only amount to ‘Islamisation of Nigeria and adoption of Islam as a State religion;

That Muslim/Muslim Ticket will heighten the aggression against Christians by Fulani bandits and terrorists who claimed allegiance to Islam;

That Muslim/Muslim Ticket violates the Federal Character Principle as enshrined in Section 38 and 14(3and 4) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and;

That the appointment of Kashim Shettima as the running mate of Tinubu clearly reflects the violation of the above constitutional provision as amended.

The first two positions further confirmed the scale of ethnic profiling and turned Tinubu a victim of the imposed ‘Hausa/Fulani’ religious identity. This is not surprising given the reality of the earlier framing in 1992, of a Muslim Yoruba from Zaria, Imam Ashafa as the forerunner of ‘Hausa/Fulani extremist Islam’! This ethnic profiling along a very delicate and sensitive line, did not escape framing MKO Abiola, who was also a Yoruba Muslim, as ‘a tool of Northerners’ and a quintessential of the Hausa/Fulani! If this had happened with Abiola at a time when ethnic religiousity was not on the intense escalation of violence, how could Tinubu/Shetima candidacy be let go post-free?

Indeed, recent developments in the face of relentless kidnapping and abduction of religious actors including Pastors like the CAN Chairman of the Jos East Local Government Area of Plateau State, Rev Fr James Kantoma, the Anglican Bishop of Kwara Diocese, Oluwaseun Aderogba along with his wife, the Abia State Methodist Church Pastor, Samuel Kanu Uche and the subsequent incidences attributed to violent revenge over the blasphemous utterance against the deceased Deborah Samuel in Sokoto, all cast suspicion about the possibility of peace which this Muslim-Muslim ticket may guarantee afterwards. These are more than just antics because they could easily wake up the sleeping dogs considering the sensitivity of Nigeria’s widening fissures, artificially deepening the divisive regional-cum-religious geo-paralyzing zones.

Well, it could be said that in democratic governance, credibility comes first before religion and that justice should handle and sustain the mantle of leadership not identities as well as collectivity and obedience should remain the democratic ingredients for sustainable governance. In Nigeria, this is more theoretical than the real happenings in practice. The reactionist position of CAN in Kaduna and Jos, as well as the recent utterances by the erstwhile Tinubu’s strong ally, Mr. Babachir Lawal that Ganduje Foundation is being used to ‘forcefully’ convert Christians to Islam, all could not be taken for granted. If these are nothing more than mere normal day polemics, especially considering the views of other Pastors like Sunday Adelaga of the Embassy of the Blessed Kingdom of God and Rev Moses Bitrus of Arise and Shine Prophetic Ministry, who seemed to support Muslim-Muslim ticket, still these issues, must however, widened the scope of early warning (EWS) ahead of the 2023 General Elections.

Tinubu’s ancestry having a strong connection with Northern Nigeria, a name which was originally a Kanuri Muslim adaptation in Lagos is not enough an answer in this regard because, the reality of Nigerian contemporary history and political experience has shown that its people do not care much about ancestry, in the same degree as they care about the prevailing circumstance of distributive justice in the country. The reason that Tinubu’s life-mate, his wife, who’s not only a Christian, but more a Pastor of a Redeemed Christian Church of God, could not be a convincing fact either. Not even the APC competent appointment of Governor Simon Lalong of Plateau state as the Director General of its 2023 Presidential campaign could have deleted these early warnings especially given the diaphanous presentiment in the state, that the Governor has subjected Christians to Hausa/Fulani superior Islam!

All these issues could not be taken lightly if proper regard to early warning ahead of the 2023 General Elections could be considered. The question of insecurity in Nigeria, in all respects, is at the core of EWS and of course, Tinubu/Shettima’s answer to Muslim-Muslim ticket is still iffy! Generally, early warning should not only be properly monitored but also be made capable of preventing future possible escalation of violence. Violent campaigns and use of armed thugs by political contestants should be part of the Preventive Early Warning System (PEWS). This is in addition to deliberate undue advantage of other political opponents usually through backdoor deals between political aspirants, security mobs and electoral officers. PEWS should also include preventing partisan security indulgence and ‘securitization’ of rigging in the face of stealing and stuffing of ballot boxes. PEWS should encourage wise mobilization of security intelligence as well as tactfully oriented arrest strategy that may include confronting blatant collection of money/materials at election centres to woo voters and rig elections and so on and on and on.

Ismail writes via ismailmusbahu15@gmail.com.