Democracy: Feeble Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria; Justifications and Way Out -By Mudathir Hayatullahi Folorunsho

Democracy which has its origin from Greek words demos, ”the people”; kratein, “to rule” is a political system in which the people of a country rule through any form of government they choose to establish. It is usually defined as the government of the people, by the people and for the people. Democracy is said to be a belief in political freedom and equality.

Democracy day in Nigeria is June 12, a national public holiday in the nation. Until June 6, 2018, it was held annually on May 29. Democracy day marks the day the military handed over power to an elected civilian government in 1999, marking the beginning of the longest continuous civilian rule since Nigeria’s independence from colonial rule in 1960. It is a tradition that has been held annually, beginning in year 2000. June 12 was formerly known as Abiola Day, celebrated in Lagos, Nigeria and some south western states of Nigeria.

Nigeria’s Democracy day is a public holiday to commemorate the restoration of democracy in the Federal Republic of Nigeria. May 29 was initially the official democracy day in Nigeria, marking when the newly elected Olusegun Obasanjo took office as the President of Nigeria in 1999, ending multiple decades of military rule that began in 1966 and had been interrupted only by a brief period of democracy from 1979 to 1983.

On June 6, 2018, eight days after May 29, 2018 had been celebrated as Democracy day, the President Buhari-led Federal Government of Nigeria declared June 12 to be the new Democracy day. Buhari gave his inaugural address for his second term on June 12, 2019. These were done to commemorate the democratic election of Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola on June 12, 1993, in what has been adjudged to be Nigeria’s freest and fairest elections. It was, however, cancelled by the Ibrahim Babangida Junta. MKO Abiola was later detained after he declared himself the president.

Democracy has become the most dominant political movement in the world today. The popularity of this political practice has been a worldwide trend over the years. Even though Nigeria has experienced over nineteen years of uninterrupted democratic practice, there are various challenges confronting Nigeria’s democracy which has restrained it from consolidation. Hence, the aim of this write-up is to examine why democracy is not yet consolidated in Nigeria. Information about the subject of discourse was obtained principally from literature study complemented by other documentary and electronic sources. It was observed from the research that lack of accountability, inequality, corruption, weak enforcement agencies, god-fatherism among others is limiting democratic consolidation in Nigeria. The research recommends that for democracy and democratic consolidation to thrive in the country, the principles of democracy such as rule of law, respect for human rights and the protection of life and property must be deepened. Also, there must be enhanced economic development, developed democratic culture, stable political arena and a well refined political process that ensures continuous democratic practices.

The core of democracy is the principle of popular sovereignty, which holds that government can be legitimated only by the will of those whom it governs and thus it can be understood why a military coup may not be seen as a democratic regime, and during these times Nigeria was not a democratic state.

For most of its independent history, Nigeria was ruled by a series of military juntas. This still can be a form of democracy, as military rule initiates a sense of security and a safety from harm; the degree of resistance to, or protection from harm. This protection of harm applies to any vulnerable and valuable asset, such as a person, dwelling community, nation or organization. For a nation, security is important and especially for democratic security, military rule can be seen as revolutionary.

So whilst there are brief moments of primary democracy, for example from 1979 to 1983 with Alhaji Shehu Shagari, there is secondary democracy in forms of military governance, just more rigorous in approach. The last major military ruler was Gen. Sani Abacha, who died suddenly in 1998. His successor, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar promised a transition to democracy, and accordingly a new constitution was adopted on May 5th, 1999. Elections were held and retired Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, who had previously governed Nigeria as a military ruler, was elected the new president.

The end of military rule brought about a new era of regular elections as well as the return of civil liberties, free press and an end to arbitrary arrests and torture, although human rights violations still occur regularly. Nigeria also began a long campaign against the bureaucratic and military corruption that had paralyzed its economy and severely tarnished its international reputation.

Currently, the democratic barometer points to overheat. Reports across Nigeria are of violence, electoral murder, arson and palpable fear. Hate messages are freely packaged and promoted as party manifestoes. Social media is a veritable tool for hate messaging as our leaders travel themselves with abusive words and curses. Tribe, religion and ethnicity have been brought to the fore, all in a bid to sway the electorate and buy their sympathy and their vote. Every state in Nigeria is caught up in the frenzy about the forthcoming 2023 election. But doubts exist in many hearts. Will the election be free and fair? Will the election herald the dissolution of Nigeria?

Nigeria has had like 19 years of elected presidents uninterrupted by military coups. Should this be the content and hallmark of our democracy? Should elections not be a time to renew mandates, consolidate our achievements and remove incompetent and ineffective leaders? Elections are part of the democratic process and not an end in themselves. Elections are opportunities to evaluate the performance of those in custody of our mandates against their promises and governance deliverables. The democratic process that elections provide brings to the fore the relevance of participatory democracy and inclusive governance. It is a period where office seekers are at the mercy of the electorate.

According to former UN General Secretary Kofi Annan, democracy is a universal value and aspiration, unbound by region, ethnicity, religion or culture. Elections provide citizens with a say in the decisions that affect their everyday lives and provide governments with a legitimate authority to govern. However, only when elections are free, fair and credible can they help promote democracy, human rights and security. When elections are fraudulent and subject to vote rigging, they have the potential to trigger political instability and violence.

Political and Voters Apathy
Thus, for Nigerian democracy to fulfil its potential, the integrity of the forthcoming elections is crucial. It is in order to provide electoral integrity that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) introduced the card reader machine for voters’ accreditation. It is also in the same vein that many of the Resident Electoral Commissioners (RECs) of Nigeria’s states are enlisting the support of civil society organisations (CSOs) to ensure civic education and participatory electoral processes. Many CSOs are innovating to widen the process and ensure grassroots sensitisation. Neighbourhood Environment Watch (NEW) Foundation, with the support of the media in Ebonyi State, has created ‘Democracy Clinic’, a platform for civic education and a means of gauging the democratic barometer, and with other CSOs has been working with the Ebonyi REC to ensure that the state has a violence-free and transparent election. It should be noted that Ebonyi Sate is one of flash points for electoral violence in Nigeria.

Unfortunately, our electoral integrity is threatened by many factors. One such is voter apathy and lack of trust in the ability of electoral officials not to be biased. We see a decline in citizen trust in our democratic institutions and processes, mainly due to reasons relating to poor and non-inclusive governance and electoral corruption. Again the independence of electoral institutions is in doubt, as many believe that “whoever pays the piper dictates the tune.”

Corrupt Security Officers
The constitutional roles of security men in Nigeria during election are quite germane. Electoral security in Nigeria is primarily handled by police. In other words, the police are primarily saddled with the responsibility of making sure that people exercise their voting rights in an orderly manner with the help of other paramilitary organisations. But it got a level that military have to participate in this process. The participation of security men is now becoming more alarming. Since the situation has even degenerated to the level that hardly could Nigeria conduct any election without abundant of security men. In fact, it has now become a paradigm that election without security men in Nigeria is impossible. What could have led to this myopic view? The answer is not farfetched. Security men generally, except few, have made themselves available for election rigging. What an insult? Security personnel that are expected to maintain laws are breaching them with impunity at this precarious time. In most of the previous elections, it is discovered that security men could not exonerate themselves from common scourge of corruption. One can even contend that police and others security officers can be easily pocketed by the politicians and most especially government in power. No wonder, it is popularly held that “he who pays the piper dictates the tune”. In short, corruption has been used to characterize the role of security men in elections in Nigeria. Closely related to the above point is the issue of partisanship. The security men have been accused of belonging or being used by one or more political parties against others.

Way Out
While integrity in elections is crucial, there are other factors that will influence the outcome of elections and thereby contribute to building citizens’ trust in democracy. This segment wishes to enquire the role of the security and civil society in ensuring free, fair and credible elections and fair democratic consolidation in Nigeria.

The Role Of Security In Credible Elections And Sustainance Of Democracy In Nigeria
Without mincing words, Nigeria has witnessed the gigantic roles of the trio mentioned above in the area of democratic consolidation. Since Nigeria has gotten independence, the foremost challenge that had confronted its political activities was its inability to conduct credible, free and fair elections. Scholars have argued that the only election that possessed such good attributes was June 12 general election in 1992. Unfortunately the then third republic was abortive. Thereafter, military rule ruled for other seven years before the regime was put to an end. Another election was conducted in 1999; new democratic dispensation-fourth republic started on May 1999. For more than a decade of this nascent democratic rule in Nigeria, itis quite unequivocal that free and fair electionis still a mirage. Just like the way Joseph (2011: 246) put it “in any credible democracy, elections constitute the soul of the democratic process.”

Be that as it may, security men still have some positive impacts towards successful conduct of elections. This could be felt right from the period of campaigns. The politicians always like to jump the rules of the game unless there are security’s controls and interventions. Another round of security role in election is in providing security for election materials, electorates, candidates, and the INEC officials. These have been their normal routine since the inception of democracy in 1999. While these roles are both constitutionally and morally commendable, the partisanship and corruption is highly condemnable both nationally and internationally.

The role of civil society organisations in democratic consolidation in Nigeria
The abuse of office, executive lawlessness and the helplessness of the electorate in tackling the menace of electoral corruption should activate a civil society that is determined to check the erosion of human rights, freedom and civic values. CSOs, as an integral part of society and the electorate, should be fired by intense restlessness, demanding participatory democracy, transparency and electoral integrity. Corruption is corruption no matter where it takes place.

CSOs, especially those working on good governance and anti-corruption, should get involved in the activities of their communities and work to ensure that we have credible elections, and an electorate that is well informed and not prone to conscience buying through material inducements. It is not in doubt that there can be no meaningful democracy without the active involvement of the people. Good governance is all about the level of people’s involvement in governance. But often the peoples’ wishes are subverted through political corruption, such that democracy in Nigeria, instead of promoting the welfare of the people, becomes a burden under which only those that have political clout survive. Nigeria’s underdevelopment as a nation despite its abundant resources is attributable to flawed electoral processes. There is an intimate link between the subversion of the electoral process and electoral fraud and poor governance.

The ‘Not-Too-Young-to-Run’ Act recently assented to by President Muhammed Buhari is a welcome development. The act will remove age barriers to seeking elective positions by Nigeria’s virile and creative young people. Young people need to be united and take up the mantle of leadership and rescue Nigeria from the seeming precipice of an implosion orchestrated by the old order of politicians.

The 2023 election, if not well managed, portends to be a turbulent one with regard to upholding democratic values in Nigeria. Elections with integrity are not the sole instigator of citizens’ trust in democracy, but they remain a crucial stepping stone for our development and unity as a people. Therefore, the Nigerian government, public office seekers and the people must make a commitment to make the electoral process credible and fair, without which efforts to consolidate democracy in Nigeria will continue to remain a pipe dream.

Civil society, especially those engaged in democratic advocacy, should be supported and empowered to conduct civic education, build confidence among the electorate and monitor electoral processes to ensure transparency and accountability.

The rule of law needs to be strengthened in order to protect the rights of voters and candidates. As noted by Kofi Annan, election integrity is crucial, but the establishment of the rule of law precedes that.

Elections should be managed by professional and independent national bodies in order to maintain credibility and avoid the kind of disaster that resulted in 2011 post-election violence in Nigeria.

We should advocate for the avoidance of ‘winner-takes-all’ politics by encouraging the building of institutions and processes that are vital for multi-party competition and division of power.

Furthermore, we should remove the barriers that prevent free and consent-based voting and promote the inclusion of women, minorities and other marginalised groups. There is a need to work towards a time when those we elect as our leaders are voted into positions of trust based not on the colours of their skin, the religion they profess or the tribe they come from, but on their antecedents, their track records of integrity, and their passion to be judged by history as men and women who have made their marks on the sand of history.

There is the need to promote the unity of Nigeria and sensitise the electorate to vote for those who have the passion to make positive impact, herald sustainable development and fight corruption – the cankerworm that has defied all cures in Nigeria.

Above all, civil society should be supported to advocate and track the flow of unregulated money in politics, which undermines voters’ faith in elections and ultimately in democracy, and instead breeds fear that wealth buys political power and influence.

On a final note, It is necessary to address the above mentioned challenges as they potentially have grave consequences for the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria if not addressed properly and in time.

Mudathir Hayatullahi is a 200l English Language Student of UDUS